Chinese tech companies pivot to Hong Kong as US and EU barriers tighten



The number of mainland Chinese companies listing on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange rose from 30 in 2024 to 76 in 2025, an increase of 153 per cent, according to PricewaterhouseCoopers. Hong Kong reclaimed the top global position for IPO fundraising last year, with 119 listings raising HK$285.8 billion, more than double the previous year. The numbers reflect a structural shift: as geopolitical barriers tighten in the United States and Europe, Chinese technology companies are using Hong Kong as a staging ground to raise international capital, test products against global standards, and build the credibility they need to expand beyond the mainland.

The shift has been actively facilitated by regulators on both sides. China’s securities regulators issued measures last year to fast-track approvals for eligible mainland technology companies to list in Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Stock Exchange launched a Technology Enterprises Channel in May 2025 to accelerate IPO approvals for specialist technology and biotechnology companies. The result is a pipeline of mainland AI, robotics, and software firms that are choosing Hong Kong over New York, not because it offers a better market, but because it offers one that is still accessible.

The practical use cases

Yunji Technology, a Beijing-based maker of delivery robots for hotels, hospitals, and factories, listed in Hong Kong in October 2025, raising HK$660 million. Its shares rose 26 per cent on the first day of trading. The company, which has deployed robots across more than 15,000 hotels globally, is using Hong Kong as a testing ground for international clients. Its vice-president, Xie Yunpeng, told the BBC that the aim is to prove the product works in real-world international settings and then expand outward.

MiningLamp Technology, an enterprise AI software company, listed on the Hong Kong exchange in November 2025 and has described the city as a “data compliance transfer station.” Its founder, Wu Minghui, said mainland firms like his can use Hong Kong to test how they handle cross-border data flows and build compliance processes before entering other markets. The description is revealing: Hong Kong is being used not merely as a financial centre but as a regulatory sandbox where Chinese companies can demonstrate that they can operate under rules that international clients and regulators recognise.

Xiaomeng Lu, a director at Eurasia Group, told the BBC that mainland Chinese tech firms are “shifting to Hong Kong” for primary listings as “geopolitical headwinds dampen their dreams” to float in New York. Alicia Garcia-Herrero, chief economist for Asia-Pacific at Natixis, said Hong Kong offers mainland firms a place to show they can meet international standards while building trust with global investors.

The geopolitical context

The Hong Kong pivot comes as China’s technology self-reliance agenda intensifies. The 15th Five-Year Plan, covering 2026 to 2030, places artificial intelligence, semiconductors, robotics, quantum computing, and 6G at the centre of economic and national security strategy. Beijing is investing in large computing clusters, supporting advanced manufacturing, and explicitly framing technology independence as a strategic priority in the context of US-China tensions.

At the same time, the barriers to Chinese technology companies operating overseas are tightening. The United States has imposed export controls on advanced semiconductors, restricted Chinese suppliers from telecommunications networks, and maintained broad investment screening for Chinese technology acquisitions. The European Union’s enhanced foreign direct investment screening framework, expected to enter force in summer 2026, will require mandatory screening of Chinese investments in AI, semiconductors, quantum computing, critical infrastructure, and defence. The United Kingdom designated both Apple and Google as having “Strategic Market Status” under its Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act in October 2025, and has separately moved to restrict Chinese telecommunications equipment.

For Chinese technology firms that once aspired to list on the Nasdaq or the London Stock Exchange and build direct relationships with Western enterprise customers, these measures represent a narrowing corridor. Hong Kong offers a partial alternative: a jurisdiction with common law traditions, English-language legal and financial infrastructure, and regulatory standards that international investors recognise, but without the political risk of listing in a market where Chinese companies face the threat of forced delisting or sanctions.

The limits of the halfway house

The strategy has clear boundaries. Paul Triolo, a partner at DGA Group, told the BBC that Hong Kong is “not really a geopolitical shield” for mainland companies and “only partially mitigates” their risks. Companies operating from Hong Kong remain bound by Beijing’s evolving rules on cybersecurity, data controls, and requirements for public-facing AI. The national security law imposed in 2020, followed by additional local security legislation, has eroded Hong Kong’s reputation as an autonomous jurisdiction in the eyes of many international investors and governments.

The Luckin Coffee scandal, in which the Chinese coffee chain admitted fabricating hundreds of millions of dollars in sales and was delisted from the Nasdaq in 2020, remains a reference point for investors assessing governance risk in Chinese companies. A Hong Kong listing addresses the capital access problem, but it does not resolve the deeper trust deficit that stems from concerns about state influence, data governance, and corporate transparency.

What Hong Kong does offer is time. For a mainland technology company that needs international capital to scale, needs exposure to international clients to prove its product works outside China, and needs a compliance track record to eventually enter regulated markets in Europe or Southeast Asia, Hong Kong is the most efficient path available. It is not a substitute for genuine international expansion, but it is the only viable first step when the direct routes have been narrowed by export controls, investment screening, and political risk.

The 153 per cent increase in mainland listings is the market’s verdict on that calculation. Whether it proves to be a durable strategy or a temporary staging post depends on whether the geopolitical conditions that created it get better or worse. On current trajectory, they are getting worse, which means Hong Kong’s role as a bridge for Chinese technology companies is likely to grow even as the distance between the two shores it connects continues to widen.



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Do you ever walk past a person on the streets exhibiting mental health issues and wonder what happened to their family? I have a brother—or at least, I used to. I worry about where he is and hope he is safe. He hasn’t taken my call since 2014.

James and his brother as young children playing together before his brother became sick. James is on the right and his brother is on the left.

James and his brother as young children playing together before his brother became sick. James is on the right and his brother is on the left.

When I was 13, I had a very bad day. I was in the back of the car, and what I remember most was the world-crushing sound violently panging off every surface: he was pounding his fists into the steering wheel, and I worried it would break apart. He was screaming at me and my mother, and I remember the web of saliva and tears hanging over his mouth. His eyes were red, and I knew this day would change everything between us. My brother was sick.

Nearly 20 years later, I still have trouble thinking about him. By the time we realized he was mentally ill, he was no longer a minor. The police brought him to a facility for the standard 72-hour hold, where he was diagnosed with paranoid delusional schizophrenia. Concluding he was not a danger to himself or others, they released him.

There was only one problem: at 18, my brother told the facility he was not related to us and that we were imposters. When they let him out, he refused to come home.

My parents sought help and even arranged for medication, but he didn’t take it. Before long, he disappeared.

My brother’s decline and disappearance had nothing to do with the common narratives about drug use or criminal behavior. He was sick. By the time my family discovered his condition, he was already 18 and legally independent from our custody.

The last time he let me visit, I asked about his bed. I remember seeing his dirty mattress on the floor beside broken glass and garbage. I also asked about the laptop my parents had gifted him just a year earlier. He needed the money, he said—and he had maxed out my parents’ credit card.

In secret from my parents, I gave him all the cash I had saved. I just wanted him to be alright.

My parents and I tried texting and calling him; there was no response except the occasional text every few weeks. But weeks turned into months.

Before long, I was graduating from high school. I begged him to come. When I looked in the bleachers, he was nowhere to be seen. I couldn’t help but wonder what I had done wrong.

The last time I heard from him was over the phone in 2014. I tried to tell him about our parents and how much we all missed him. I asked him to be my brother again, but he cut me off, saying he was never my brother. After a pause, he admitted we could be friends. Making the toughest call of my life, I told him he was my brother—and if he ever remembers that, I’ll be there, ready for him to come back.

I’m now 32 years old. I often wonder how different our lives would have been if he had been diagnosed as a minor and received appropriate care. The laws in place do not help families in my situation.

My brother has no social media, and we suspect he traded his phone several years ago. My family has hired private investigators over the years, who have also worked with local police to try to track him down.

One private investigator’s report indicated an artist befriended my brother many years ago. When my mother tried contacting the artist, they said whatever happened between them was best left in the past and declined to respond. My mom had wanted to wish my brother a happy 30th birthday.

My brother grew up in a safe, middle-class home with two parents. He had no history of drug use or criminal record. He loved collecting vintage basketball cards, eating mint chocolate chip ice cream, and listening to Motown music. To my parents, there was no smoking gun indicating he needed help before it was too late.

The next time you think about a person screaming outside on the street, picture their families. We need policies and services that allow families to locate and support their loved ones living with mental illness, and stronger protections to ensure that individuals leaving facilities can transition into stable care. Current laws, including age-based consent rules, the limits of 72-hour holds, and the lack of step-down or supported housing options, leave too many families without resources when a serious diagnosis occurs.

Governments and lawmakers need to do better for people like my brother. As someone who thinks about him every day, I can tell you the burden is too heavy to carry alone.

James Finney-Conlon is a concerned brother and mental health advocate. He can be reached at [email protected].



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