Steven Nekhaila voted Libertarian Party chair after Angela McArdle’s resignation


Riding a wave of accolades for her role in convincing Donald Trump to fully pardon Silk Road founder Ross Ulbricht, Angela McArdle made a surprise announcement late on January 24 that she was resigning from her position as chair of the Libertarian Party’s National Committee (LNC).

McArdle released a farewell video a couple of days before a Sunday night LNC board meeting via Zoom that selected her replacement in which she stressed Ulbricht’s release from prison as the “biggest political victory” the party has ever achieved. She also accused George Phillies, a past L.P. candidate for office from Massachusetts and operator of Third Party Watch, of being a federal operative and called on her supporters to avoid the “demonically possessed.” She hinted without directly stating that she left the L.P. to work for the federal government in Robert Kennedy’s Department of Health and Human Services. In an emailed response to questions, she wrote specifically regarding her next steps: “I am moving to another position very soon where I won’t be able to stay Chair. I’ll be announcing it later this week or early next week, but I can’t say what it is yet.”

Kennedy certainly owes her; under her leadership the L.P. formed a joint fundraising agreement with his campaign, thus helping a candidate opposed to the L.P. raise money (while also keeping a portion of it for the L.P., and indeed the money flowing from McArdle’s decision to ally with Kennedy seems to be keeping the L.P. from running out of money entirely.) Organizations she controls outside the L.P. in turn have received over $750,000 in 2024. The vast bulk went to her nonprofit Rescue the West, some from the Kennedy Joint Fundraising Committee itself and more from other PACs and operations associated with Kennedy’s campaign, such as American Values 2024, MAHA Alliance, and MAHA PAC.

This information was first reported in December by Jake Porter, a former L.P. candidate for governor of Iowa. In response to emailed questions about what that money from the Kennedy operations was used for, McArdle wrote, “The organization that I run with Bret Weinstein held a giant unity event in September called Rescue The Republic. I’m surprised you didn’t hear about it.”

The LNC at Sunday night’s meeting created an investigatory committee to, in its language as voted on, “investigate issues of conflict of interest and business practices of the Libertarian National Committee.”

A live email ballot was in progress regarding forming such a committee that specifically referred to “allegations of misconduct” against McArdle, with votes already cast indicating it would be created, when McArdle suddenly resigned. The language regarding the investigatory committee that was passed Sunday night did not name her. Looming over the proceedings was the allegation that McArdle was funneling party money to her own household, furthered by investigative work from Porter on his Substack.

On January 21, he reported that under McArdle’s leadership the LNC has paid over $45,000 since last February to a company called Freedom Calls for fundraising services. Porter discovered that McArdle’s domestic partner and father of her child, Austin Padgett, was the incorporator of record for that entity. The operation’s website says it offers phone banking, canvassing, and website and email services, but the “Who are you?” squib merely says they are “a radical group of individuals who’ve come together to change the system. We are futurists. The tech industry is full of disrupters and secret dissidents.” No names are provided. Porter says he could find no Federal Elections Commission records of any other entities paying Freedom Calls.

The LNC had previously decided to suspend a series of monthly payments directly to Padgett in January 2024. The payments to Freedom Calls began the following month. As Porter wrote, discovering Padgett’s connection to the company raises the concern that the payments violate a new policy manual rule passed in October 2023 that says “Any proposed contracts or agreements for financial renumeration [sic] with a closely related party (legal relative, domestic partner, business associate) to a sitting LNC member or staff member shall be disclosed to the LNC prior to execution and shall be approved by a 2/3 vote of the Executive Committee or a majority vote of the LNC. This relation shall also be disclosed on the LNC’s member’s listing of potential conflicts of interest.” None of that happened regarding the monthly payments to Freedom Calls from the LNC.

In response to written questions from Reason about Porter’s accusations regarding LNC payments to Freedom Calls, McArdle wrote: “The LNC is reacting as best they can in the face of constant attacks by unstable litigants like Caryn Ann Harlos, and my cyber stalkers Todd Hagopian and Jake Porter. I have retained an attorney to deal with the aggressive cyberstalking by these men. I will be working with new appointees in the Trump administration to find out if the FBI and State Dept have been involved in the attacks on the LP and me. There are lots of unclassified documents on Reason Magazine and yourself, Brian Dougherty [sic], in the State Dept archives. We know the feds have a strong interest in disrupting the Libertarian movement, especially at a moment like now when we have freed Ross Ulbricht – the biggest political victory the LP has ever achieved.”

Harlos is the LNC’s elected secretary, who had filed a lawsuit in October seeking McArdle’s removal, as reported by Reason. Hagopian is former elected treasurer of the LNC who had filed an amicus brief supporting Harlos’ suit.

Under McArdle’s leadership, the L.P.’s paid membership (those currently donating more than $25 a year, plus lifetime members) shrank from over 16,600 in April 2022 (the month before she took office) to around 13,500 as of December 2024, more than an 18 percent drop. Total nonconvention revenue for 2021—the last full year before McArdle took office—was $2.1 million. For 2024, that figure was around  $1.2 million.

The L.P.’s national board has in the past week faced an email campaign sponsored by the Mises Caucus (which has largely controlled the party since 2022) pushing for its founder Michael Heise (who has been an L.P. contract worker working on “outreach and activism,” receiving $2,400 for such services in December 2024) to be elevated to the helm. McArdle endorsed him as her successor. Adam Haman, Region 1 LNC representative, resigned just before the vote. Rumor has it that states in his region pushed him to step down because he didn’t want to vote for Heise. (Haman did not respond to an emailed request for comment.)

McArdle firmly endorsed Heise as her successor, stressing he was the one prepared to continue her fruitful personal relationships with the Trump administration. Nonetheless, in the Zoom meeting of the LNC Sunday night, Heise lost in a 9–6 vote to Steven Nekhaila, who had been an at-large member of the LNC and threw his hat in the ring very late in the process. (Chairs are normally voted on by L.P. delegates at their national convention held every two years, but when between conventions a vacancy arises in both chair and vice chair—elected Vice Chair Mark Rutherford had himself resigned in early December—the LNC can pick a replacement.)

Justin Amash, who had been the only sitting Libertarian in federal elected office ever as a representative from Michigan (he was elected as a Republican but affiliated Libertarian in office in April 2020), had bandied about the idea of seeking the office of LNC chair on X. He wrote that “The LP shouldn’t be for sale to the highest bidder; nor should it resign itself to the position of perpetual spoiler. For the sake of liberty—for the sake of 340 million Americans—it must win. The party needs leaders who are radical but also professional, who will present libertarian ideas to Americans in ways that resonate with them, and who bring people to libertarianism and to the party instead of pushing people away.”

In the end, though, Amash wasn’t even officially nominated as a candidate in the process and did not show up to the Zoom meeting. Paul Darr, who had been Region 3 representative on the LNC and was elected its vice chair Sunday night, says according to communication he had with Amash, the sudden timing of the vacancy didn’t work for the former congressman, but that he still has interest in the L.P.

Darr is on the board of the Classical Liberal Caucus, seen as in opposition to the more right-coded and Trump-supporting Mises crowd. Heise openly endorsed and voted for Trump, because of his promise, which was indeed fulfilled, to get Silk Road founder Ross Ulbricht out of prison.

In the contentious questioning process from LNC members during the meeting before the chair vote he lost, Heise said, in defense of wanting to lead a third party after he endorsed and supported the existing president of a major party, that blind demands for partisanship on the part of the L.P. were insulting to would-be donors and harm outreach to potential major party converts. Heise also firmly insisted the LNC should not care about, and not seek the identities of, the unnamed donors he announced would pay him directly if he took the formally unpaid position of LNC chair.

Nekhaila says he is committed to a policy of emphasizing small local races and issue coalitions for the L.P., a policy Heise has been pursuing under the moniker “Project Decentralized Revolution.”

Nekhaila was not always a consistent party-line Mises Caucus voter, but he was part of their endorsed LNC slate at the convention in 2024. His win over Heise signifies a crack, if not a collapse, in the Mises Caucus hold on the party at the national level. Six LNC members endorsed by the Caucus in May did not vote for its founder and leader Heise Sunday night.

Porter thinks that Heise’s loss indicates in the wake of McArdle’s possible improprieties that Mises Caucus discipline and control “has been completely repudiated, and it’s probably the end of the Mises Caucus as we know it.” Others suspicious of Caucus influence in social network chatter will only be happy if Heise ceases to be a paid party contractor. Nekhaila did not respond as of posting time to emailed questions about that or his intended strategies and goals as newly elected chair of the LNC.



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Politicians have called for funding to be maintained for meat inspections after hearing evidence on the scale of products being seized at the border.

The Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee examined biosecurity measures for animal and plant imports to the UK. The Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) is responsible for product of animal origin imports. 

The committee has written to Sue Hayman, Defra Minister for biosecurity and borders, to request a timeline of the agency’s response to the Jan. 10 report of foot and mouth disease (FMD) in Germany.

In evidence given as part of an inquiry, it was revealed that a government IT system took six to seven days to implement restrictions on German imports. Witnesses told MPs it was possible for meat and dairy products from Germany to enter the UK in this period.

Politicians asked Defra when the decision was made to ban the import of relevant goods from Germany, when border control posts were informed and when the IPAFFS (Import of Products, Animals, Food and Feed System) was updated and operating as intended. 

Another issue raised was funding for African swine fever (ASF) controls done by Dover Port Health Authority (DPHA). MPs said the current level of support only allows DPHA to provide 20 percent of coverage to deliver checks for illegal meat entering the country. This funding is due to stop at the end of March, and the Committee urged the government to maintain it to ensure biosecurity.       

Concerns raised about meat imports
The evidence session heard the government agency Border Force seized 70 tons of meat in 2023 to 2024 and 22 tons in January 2025.

Lucy Manzano, head of port health and public protection at Dover Port Health Authority, said the agency removed almost four tons of products in the first two days of February.

“If we are not there, this stuff is going out on the shelves. This is not stuff where traditionally it would be hard to get hold of. This stuff is appearing in shops, on high streets and in markets. You may well be going out for dinner in normal-looking establishments and be consuming meat that has not been correctly processed,” she said.

Manzano said the systems are resulting in tons of illegal meat coming through commercial channels.

“That is the exact channel where all of us as consumers were reassured this would not happen once the border target operating model (BTOM) was implemented, and it is happening. It is happening because the systems are enabling it to happen. We are now seeing illegal meat from banned and restricted countries actually able to come in via the official route,” she said.

“That is why we are confident and have presented evidence very clearly to Defra, and indeed to the Food Standards Agency, to demonstrate that the systems in place to safeguard this country from a biosecurity point of view, the absolute cornerstone of import controls – keeping the bad stuff out – is not working. We have to action change. It is not acceptable to continue along the lines of simply saying: ‘We are maintaining biosecurity. There are robust systems in place’.”

Helen Buckingham, an environmental health practitioner and regulatory consultant, spoke about Defra funding given to Suffolk Coastal Port Health Authority, which looks after Harwich for port health, to stand with Border Force for a project to look at what was coming in.

“Of course, the project only ran from Monday to Friday in the mornings. What did the criminals do? They waited until the weekends and brought it through.”

Buckingham also spoke about the so-called “white van smuggler.”

“The white van smuggler can be just one van on its way to already known customers who seek a particular Romanian pork, because that is what they are used to and that is what they want. It can be one van going to one place, or it can be, as Lucy is seeing, articulated vehicles with mixtures of stuff that has been notified and stuff that has not, because they do not think they are going to be checked, so they might as well drive on in anyway,” she said.  

“You do not go into this job for the money. You go in because you care, and here we are, with the biggest threat to food safety we have had for a long time. We have to get to grips with it.”

(To sign up for a free subscription to Food Safety News, click here.) 



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Together with Luca Repetto,
we have recently revisited this issue by taking a new approach and looking at
the allocation of investments inside
cities. Our question is straightforward: do
Spanish mayors target their voters with local investment?
 
Understanding the determinants of national policies and
national investment allocations is of course important. Hence, it is not
surprising that most studies in the academic literature have focused on
national level allocations and their determinants. But roughly half of public investment is carried out by local governments
(
OECD) and we know little
about how electoral factors shape those allocations.
Moreover, the spatial extent and the
policy levers of local governments are different from those of their national
counterparts. So, government behaviour could be different too! In our
paper, we try to find out whether this is
the case.  

The main challenge when taking this question to the local
level arises from a data problem. Transfers to and between local authorities
are recorded in national and regional budgets, but allocations within those
authorities are usually not easily accessible for research. In our paper, we overcome
this problem by exploiting data from Plan E, a large stimulus program applied
by Zapatero’s socialist government in Spain between late 2008 and 2011. This
program transferred roughly 13 billion euros to Spanish municipalities in an
attempt to kick-start the economy. Local governments had essentially full
discretion to allocate investment projects within their boundaries and jumped
on the resources immediately. Over 57,000 municipal investment projects where
carried out under Plan E. These where usually parks, plazas, and basic service
infrastructure, all of which are likely to have spatially localized benefits.
And here comes the special treat. As an unusual present for future researchers,
the national government required municipalities to geo-locate all projects.

By combining data on these projects with polling station data
for Spanish municipal and national elections, we are able to study whether Spanish mayors allocate more Plan E
spending to areas of strong electoral support
. An illustration of the data
we use in the project can be seen in Figure
1
.

Figure 1

Notes: Points correspond to Plan
E
projects located in the municipality of
Madrid. Census areas are coloured in red if the socialist party
PSOE received the
majority of votes in the 2007municipal election, with the intensity of the
shade varying with the vote share. Similarly, blue areas correspond to areas
where the right-wing
PP obtained the majority of votes.

No Distributive Politics Inside the
City? Our Analysis

Comparing allocations in cities ruled by different parties is
tricky, because our cities are likely to be different in many dimensions. To deal
with these confounding factors, we implement a close election regression
discontinuity design. We compare municipalities where the socialist party (PSOE)
barely won the mayoralty with municipalities where it barely lost. We then look
at whether areas within these municipalities where PSOE had strong electoral
support receive more resources under a socialist mayor.

The main results are illustrated in Figure 2. The horizontal axis represents the vote share distance to
a PSOE majority. The vertical axis represents one of our measures of PSOE
partisan alignment in the allocation of Plan E projects. You can think of it as
the city level covariance between PSOE support and the amount of spending. The
graph indicates that there is no difference in this measure on either side of
the discontinuity. We interpret this as evidence that there is no partisan bias
in the allocation of resources to Spanish municipalities. Whichever use mayors do of this money, they do not use it to invest in
neighbourhoods where their voters live.

Figure 2

Note: The vertical axis
shows different measures of bias in the allocation of
Plan
E
projects towards PSOE voters.
The horizontal axis shows the
PSOE winning
margin, defined as the vote share distance to a seat majority change. Dots are
averages in 1% bins of the winning margin. The lines are local linear
regression estimates.

It is tempting to extrapolate from this result and conclude
that distributive politics do not play an important role within cities. Perhaps
investments benefit a broader group of voters, as people moving beyond their
residence and its surroundings enjoy the benefits of municipal investments
throughout the city. Or maybe local politicians lack the sophistication of
their national counterparts.
But we must be cautious. The targeting of supporters is not the only prediction
in theories of distributive politics. There is a decades-long debate between
political scientists on whether politicians target their supporters or, rather,
target swing voters; voters who are likely to switch sides if policy is
favourable to them. If the latter theory were correct, then distributive
politics could still play an important role, albeit one that is invisible to us.
To be sure, we will need more research in this area.

Despite these caveats, we continue to think our findings are
good news. While there seems to be a good deal of partisan bias in allocation
of national resources to cities, our results show this phenomenon appears to be
absent within these cities. The optimism of the will may lead us to think that
politicians could be targeting citizen based on their needs and not on their
party affiliation. And perhaps that is
good
. Alternatively, the pessimism of the intellect may us to think that the
game is being played in some other margin. We can’t say for sure, but we’ll try
to revisit this issue in the future. I’ll keep you posted.

References: 

Carozzi, Felipe and Luca Repetto, “Distributive Politics inside the City? The Political
Economy of Spain’s Plan E”, CESifo Working Paper No. 6628, August
2017 (newest version)

Carozzi, Felipe and Repetto, Luca , “Distributive politics inside
the city? The political economy of Spain’s Plan E”.
SERC Discussion
Papers, SERCDP0212. Spatial Economics Research Centre, London School of
Economics and Political Science, London, UK. February 2017



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